About Sriti O Chetona

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Sriti O Chetona is about the Bengali Hindus’ homeland East Bengal(a part of undivided Bengal, India), currently known as Bangladesh. This page will address the issues of Hindus in Bangladesh. How the once blooming land of East Bengal, which was a safe haven for people of all communities, the pride of Bengalis and muse to innumerable poets has now become a prison for the Bengali Hindu. After the land was separated from India during the formation of Pakistan, the state sponsored genocide and Islamic terrorism has been driving out the Hindus and seizing their land, property and right to live as human beings. Bangladesh, which was freed from the terrorist Pakistani regime in the 1971 Bangladesh Liberation War, by India, was supposed to follow secular humanitarian principles. But unfortunately, the Islamic extremists, minions of the fascist Pakistani regime, are still as much active in Bangladesh as before.

The Bengali Hindus (and people of other communities) living in Bangladesh have two basic choices, either sell everything they own for a song and leave their homeland forever or live as third class citizens and be ready to lose all they own, become homeless and be killed eventually in the radical Islamic wasteland that is now called Bangladesh.

We sincerely assure everyone that our intention is not to spread blind hate or communalism. We have nothing against any religion or their practitioners. Our aim is to let the world know of the atrocities committed on us by radical Islamic forces of Bangladesh. This blog will focus on humanitarianism and not on religious or political extremism of any form.

We are likely to redefine (over Rummel’s redefinition) and trademark/service mark the word “democide” (to mean “the murder of any person or people by their government, including genocide, politicide and mass murder”) to refer to the genocide and atrocities committed on Bengali Hindus in Bangladesh, since holocaust specifically refers to the killing of Jews by Hitler.

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This blog is being administered from India and USA. You can also contribute to the page. We are concentrating on Hindu heritage and genocide in Bangladesh.

Our website will be on air soon.

শামসুর রাহমানের কবিতা: সুধাংশু যাবে না

বাংলাদেশের হিন্দুদের (ও অন্যান্য সংখ্যালঘু)
উপর মানব অধিকার লঙ্ঘন ও তাদের দেশত্যাগ নিয়ে বাংলাদেশের অন্যতম কবি শামসুর রাহমানের একটি কবিতা। বাংলার নিচে ইংরেজি অনুবাদটিও দেওয়া হল।

A heartfelt poem by one of the great poets of Bangladesh, Shamshur Rahman. The poem depicts the human rights violations on the Hindus and other minorities of Bangladesh and how they are being forced to flee the country leaving behind everything that they own,
material and immaterial. The poet is seen speaking to his childhood friend Sudhangshu. The translated English version follows the original Bengali version.

সুধাংশু যাবে না
-শামসুর রাহমান

লুণ্ঠিত মন্দির, আর অগ্নিদগ্ধ বাস্তুভিটা থেকে
একটি বিবাগী স্বর সুধাংশুকে ছুঁলো
‘আখেরে কি তুলি চলে যাবে?’ বেলা শেষে
সুধাংশু ভস্মের মাঝে খুঁজে
বেড়ায় দলিল, ভাঙা চুড়ি, সিঁদুরের স্তব্ধ কৌটা,
স্মৃতির বিক্ষিপ্ত পুঁতিমালা।

স্বর বলে, ‘লুটেরা তোমাকে জব্দ ক’রে
ফেলে আশে পাশে
তোমার জীবনে নিত্যদিন লেপ্টে থাকে
পশুর চেহারা সহ ঘাতকের ছায়া,
আতঙ্কের বাদুড় পাখার নিচে কাটাচ্ছ প্রহর,
তবু তুমি যেও না সুধাংশু।’

আকাশের নীলিমা এখনো
হয়নি ফেরারি, শুদ্ধাচারী গাছপালা
আজও সবুজের
পতাকা ওড়ায়, ভরা নদী
কোমর বাঁকায় তন্বী বেদিনীর মতো।
এ পবিত্র মাটি ছেড়ে কখনো কোথাও
পরাজিত সৈনিকের মতো
সুধাংশু যাবে না।

Shudhangshu Won’t Run!

By Shamsur Rahman

From amidst the ruined temple and ashes of the ancestral abode
A selfless voice reaches Sudhangshu
“So you’ve finally decided to leave for good?” The twilight has set in,
Sudhangshu scrabbles around the ashes, frenzied, seeking the deeds to the house, broken bangles, a stupefied little box of vermillion (sindoor), a rosary of scattered memories…

The voice says, “The plunderers harass you, leave you subdued,
The have become a part of your everyday life, the shadow of the assassins like animals in human form, the hours are long, under the vampire wings of terror.
Yet, despite the overwhelming ordeals, Sudhangshu, please don’t go.”

The blue sky has not yet absconded,
The trees in their gentle ways,
Still wave evergreen sanctity
The brimming river, like a beautiful gipsy girl, flows in her slender ways.
Unlike a wounded defeated warrior who
Flees the battlefield,
Sudhangshu will never forsake his holy motherland.

(translated in English by Deep Biswas)

অনুপ্রবেশকারী কারা ও কত

মোহিত রায়

আজ থেকে ২১ বছর আগে ১৯৯৩ সালে অনুপ্রবেশ নিয়ে প্রথম বই লেখেন ঐতিহাসিক অমলেন্দু দে – নাম ‘প্রসঙ্গ অনুপ্রবেশ’। ১৯৯১’র জনগণনার ফল তখন প্রকাশিত হচ্ছে। সেই পরিসংখ্যানেই ছিল পশ্চিমবঙ্গ ও উত্তর-পূর্ব ভারতের অস্বাভাবিক জনসংখ্যা বৃদ্ধির কথা। অমলেন্দু দে’কে সাম্প্রদায়িক বলে বিভূষিত করার করাটা কষ্টকর। অমলেন্দুবাবু আজীবন কমিউনিস্ট পার্টির একেবারে ঘরের লোক। তাঁর স্ত্রী শের-ই-বাংলা ফজলুল হকের পরিবারের মেয়ে। নিজে প্রসিদ্ধ ঐতিহাসিক ও ইসলামি ইতিহাসের শিক্ষক ও এশিয়াটিক সোসাইটির সভাপতি। অমলেন্দু দে লিখেছেন – ‘পশ্চিমবঙ্গে সীমান্ত জেলাগুলিতে যেভাবে বাংলাদেশিদের অনুপ্রবেশ ঘটেছে এবং সেখানে যদি ধর্মীয় মৌলবাদীরা সংগঠিত হওয়ার সুযোগ পায়, তাহলে ভারতের সেকুলার মডেলটি বিপর্যস্ত হতে পারে, এমন সম্ভাবনা অগ্রাহ্য করার সত্যিই কোনও কারণ নেই।’ এর বছর দশেক পরে সি পি এম মুখ্যমন্ত্রী বুদ্ধদেব ভট্টাচার্য মুখ ফসকে স্বীকার করে ফেলেন যে সীমান্তের মাদ্রাসার বাড়াবাড়ি চিন্তার কারণ হয়ে দাঁড়িয়েছে।

ভারতের প্রথম কমিউনিস্ট স্বরাষ্ট্রমন্ত্রী ইন্দ্রজিৎ গুপ্ত ৬ মে, ১৯৯০-এ লোকসভায় জানান যে, ভারতে বেআইনি বাংলাদেশির সংখ্যা প্রায় ১ কোটি। লোকসভায় এসব কথা বলে ফেলায় দারুণ ক্ষুব্ধ প্রতিক্রিয়া দেখান প্রিয়রঞ্জন দাশমুন্সি। পশ্চিমবঙ্গে অনুপ্রবেশের বন্যা শুরু জন্য দায়ী আরেক মুখ্যমন্ত্রী জ্যোতি বসু নিজেই সেই অনুপ্রবেশের ভয়াবহ চিত্র সি পি আই (এম)-এর মুখপাত্র গণশক্তির ১১ অক্টোবর, ১৯৯২ প্রকাশিত সংখ্যায় লিখেছেন – ‘১৯৭১ থেকে মুসলমানরাও ভারতে আসতে শুরু করল। ১৯৭৭ থেকে ১৯৯২ পর্যন্ত বি এস এফ ২,৩৫,৫২৯ জন বাংলাদেশিকে শনাক্ত করে ফিরিয়ে দিয়েছে। এর মধ্যে ৬৮,৪৭২ জন হিন্দু আর ১,৬৪,১৩২ জন মুসলমান। ১৯৯৭ থেকে ১৯৯২ পর্যন্ত মোবাইল টাস্ক ফোর্স ২,১৬,৯৮৫ জন বাংলাদেশি অনুপ্রবেশকারীকে বিতাড়িত করেছে। এদের মধ্যে ৫৬,৩৪২ জন হিন্দু ও ১,৬৯,৭৯৫ জন মুসলমান।’ সুতরাং আমরা দেখতে পাচ্ছি যে সরকারী ভাষ্যেই ১৫ বছরে সাড়ে চার লক্ষ বাংলাদেশিকে তাড়িয়ে দেওয়া হয়েছে যাঁর প্রায় ৭৫ শতাংশ মুসলমান।

১৫ বছর পরে ১৪ই জুলাই, ২০০৪-এ আবার লোকসভায় এক প্রশ্নোত্তরে কংগ্রেসের স্বরাষ্ট্র প্রতিমন্ত্রী শ্রীপ্রকাশ জয়সোয়াল জানালেন যে ভারতে মোট ১ কোটি ২০ লক্ষ ৫৩ হাজার ৯৫০ জন বেআইনি বাংলাদেশি রয়েছেন। এর মধ্যে পশ্চিমবঙ্গে আছে ৫৭ লক্ষ বেআইনি বাংলাদেশি। ব্যস, আবার শুরু হয়ে গেল ‘সেকুলার’দের হইচই।

এবার আসা যাক অনুপ্রবেশকারী ও উদ্বাস্তু বা শরাণার্থী নিয়ে বিভ্রম সৃষ্টির ব্যাপারটিতে। পশ্চিমবঙ্গে উদ্বাস্তু কারা, এটা সবাই জানেন। তাঁদের শতাধিক কলোনি আছে। তাঁরা বিভিন্ন সুযোগ-সুবিধাও পেয়েছেন। এঁরা কারা? সবাই জানেন এঁরা পূর্ব-পাকিস্তান থেকে নির্যাতনের কারণে পালিয়ে আসা হিন্দু। এতে কেউ সাম্প্রদায়িকতার গন্ধ পাননি। তাহলে ১৯৭২-এ বাংলাদেশ হওয়ার পর একই কারণে পালিয়ে আসা হিন্দুরা যে উদ্বাস্তু বলেই গণ্য হবেন, এ বুঝতে পন্ডিত হতে হয় না। সমস্যাটা হচ্ছে যে ভারত সরকার গত ৪২ বছর ধরে এটা বুঝতে চাইছে না। ফলে বাংলাদেশ থেকে বিতাড়িত লক্ষ লক্ষ হিন্দু পশ্চিমবঙ্গে ও উত্তর-পূর্ব ভারতে পরিচয়হীন জীবনযাপন করছেন। এই উদ্বাস্তুরা মূলত কৃষিজীবি তফসিলি সম্প্রদায়ের। দেশ ভাগের কারণে আগে এসে উদ্বাস্তু হওয়ার সুযোগ-সুবিধা নিয়ে কলোনির জমি পেয়ে, সরকারি চাকরি করে তিনতলা বাড়ি করে ফেলেন অনেকে। আর ১৯৭২-এর পর আসা মূলত মন্ডল-বিশ্বাস-বৈরাগীরা কোনও সরকারী সাহায্য তো দূরের কথা, একেবারে পরিচয়হীন হয়ে অভাবের জীবনযাপন করছেন।

আরও পরিষ্কার করে উদ্বাস্তু ও বেআইনি বাংলাদেশি অনুপ্রবেশকারীদের তফাৎটা বুঝে নেওয়া যাক। ১৯৫১-এর রাষ্ট্রসংঘের কনভেনশনে যা ১৯৬৭’র প্রোটোকলে সংশোধিত হয়, তাতে উদ্বাস্তুর সংজ্ঞা দেওয়া হয়েছে – ‘যে ব্যক্তির জাতি, ধর্ম, নাগরিকত্ব বা কোনও সামাজিক বা ধর্মীয় সংস্থার সভ্য হওয়ার জন্য নিপীড়িত হওয়ার যথেষ্ট উপযুক্ত আশঙ্কা রয়েছে বলে তার নাগরিকত্ব যে দেশের তার বাইরের দেশে রয়েছেন; অথবা এই ভীতির জন্য তাঁরা দেশের নিরাপত্তা নিতে আগ্রহী নন; অথবা এই সব কারণে নিজের দেশের বাইরে রয়েছেন এবং ফিরতে পারছেন না বা এই ভীতির জন্য ফিরতে ইচ্ছুক নন।’ মনে রাখতে হবে অর্থনৈতিক কারণে চলে আসা কাউকে রাষ্ট্রসংঘের সংজ্ঞায় উদ্বাস্তু বলে গণ্য করা যায় না। ফলে অনুপ্রবেশকারী হচ্ছেন বাংলাদেশি মুসলমান, কারণ কেবল হিন্দু, বৌদ্ধ, খ্রিস্টান বা আহমেদিয়ারা বা তসলিমা নাসরিন বা দাউদ হায়দারের (কবি) মতন নিপীড়িত মুসলমানরা উদ্বাস্তুর মর্যাদা পেতে পারেন।

এবার সংখ্যায় আসা যাক। পশ্চিমবঙ্গে ১৯৭১ পরবর্তী কত উদ্বাস্তু এসেছেন? পশ্চিমবঙ্গের সমাজবিদরা এসব নিয়ে গবেষণা করেন না কারণ তাহলেই ধর্মীয় প্রসঙ্গ চলে আসবে। কিন্তু এ নিয়ে বিশ্ববিখ্যাত গবেষণা করেছেন বাংলাদেশের প্রখ্যাত অর্থনীতিবিদ আবুল বরকত। আবুল বরকতসহ আরও দুই গবেষক Deprivation of Hindu Minority in Bangladesh – Living with Vested Property বইয়ে (পৃষ্ঠা ৬৬-৬৮, পাঠক সমাবেশ, ঢাকা, ২০০৮) হিসাব করে বলেছেন যে ১৯৭১ থেকে ২০০১ সালের মধ্যে ৬৩ লক্ষ হিন্দু বাংলাদেশ থেকে উধাও হয়ে গেছেন। যদি এর দুই-তৃতীয়াংশ পশ্চিমবঙ্গে এসে থাকেন, তবে পশ্চিমবঙ্গে নতুন উদ্বাস্তুর সংখ্যা দাঁড়ায় ৪২ লক্ষ। ২০১৪-তে সংখ্যাটা দাঁড়াবে ৫০ লক্ষের মতন।

২০০৪-এ স্বরাষ্ট্র প্রতিমন্ত্রী শ্রীপ্রকাশ জয়সোয়াল বলেছিলেন যে ভারতে মোট ১ কোটি ২০ লক্ষ ৫৩ হাজার ৯৫০ জন বেআইনি বাংলাদেশি রয়েছে। এর মধ্যে পশ্চিমবঙ্গে আছে ৫৭ লক্ষ। এতে হিন্দু-মুসলমান সবাই আছেন। এগুলি সরকারী হিসাব – আসল সংখ্যা হবে এর কয়েকগুণ। জ্যোতিবাবুর সময়কার হিসাব ধরে একজন উদ্বাস্তু প্রতি তিন জন অনুপ্রবেশকারী ধরলে পশ্চিমবঙ্গে এখন বাংলাদেশি অনুপ্রবেশকারী রয়েছে প্রায় ১ কোটি।

অসমের অনুপ্রবেশ সংক্রান্ত মামলায় ২০০৫-এর ১২ই জুলাইয়ের রায়ে সুপ্রিম কোর্ট বলেছে – ‘এই অবস্থায় এ নিয়ে কোন সন্দেহই নেই যে বহুসংখ্যক বাংলাদেশি অনুপ্রবেশকারীদের দ্বারা অসম রাজ্য এখন বাইরে থেকে আক্রমণ ও ভিতরে গন্ডগোলে উৎপীড়িত।’ এই একই কথা পশ্চিমবঙ্গের জন্যও সমান প্রযোজ্য।

পশ্চিমবঙ্গের ভবিষ্যতের অনেকটাই নির্ভর করবে এই সমস্যা সরকার ও রাজনৈতিক দলগুলি কীভাবে দেখবে, তার উপর।

প্রথম প্রকাশিত: দৈনিক বর্তমান, ১১ মে ২০১৪

http://www.paschimbangerjanya.org/articles/mray3

হালাল নিয়ে কিছু কথা

-দ্বীপ

গত বছর ঢাকায় গিয়েছিলাম ঈদের সময়। বৃষ্টির জলে প্রাণীর রক্ত মিশে রক্তবন্যা বইল বাংলাদেশের রাজধানী জুড়ে।

এরই নাম কি মানব সভ্যতা? এই আমাদের মানবিকতা? এটা যদি মানুষের রক্ত হত?
এবার এখানে কমিউনিস্টরা হেঁহেঁ করে উঠবে। “কেন কেন খালি কি মুসলমানরা ধর্মের নামে পশুহত্যা করে? হিন্দুরা অনেক বেশি করে! তাহলে আমি খালি মুসলিমদের তুলে ধরছি কেন?” বলি তাহলে, কেন আমি শুধু হালালের নিন্দে করছি, বলির না।

হালাল মানে খালি হারাম শব্দের বিপরীত নয়। হালাল পশুহত্যার একটি পদ্ধতি। আরব ও ইহুদীদের মতে এটি হালাল (ইহুদিরা হালাল কে কোশর/Kosher বলে) বা বৈধ। হালাল পদ্ধতিতে যে প্রাণীকে হত্যা করা হয় তার গলা চিরে তাকে bleed out করে হত্যা করা হয়।

হালালের মত ভয়ানক যন্ত্রণাদায়ক হত্যা আর কিছু নেই। অথচ দেখুন এরা এই ববর্রতাকে স্বাস্থ্যকর ব্যাখ্যা দিয়ে বরকরার রাখে। এরা বলে যে যত রকম অসুখ রক্তের মাধ্যমেই ছড়ায়। তাই একটা প্রাণীকে গলা চিরে তাকে ‘ব্লিড আউট’ করে মারা প্রয়োজন।

হালাল নামে যে জঘন্য হত্যাকান্ড চলছে, তা প্রকৃতপক্ষে হারাম। ধর্মের নামে পশুবলিও হারাম। নিজেকে ছাড়া কোন মানুষের কাউকে কুরবানি দেওয়ার অধিকার নেই, নিজের সন্তানকেও না। কোন প্রাণীকে না, একমাত্র নিজেকে কুরবান করাই প্রকৃত কুরবানি। নিজেকে কুরবানি দিতে পারবেন ভাইজানরা? পারবেন নিজেদের কাম, লোভ আর হিংসার কুরবানি দিতে? নাহলে গরু ছাগলটিকে ছেড়ে দিন। আল্লাহ ওই দান নেবেন না। কখনও নিতে পারেন না।

হত্যার আগে দুবার আল্লাহর নাম বললেন আর হত্যা হালাল হয়ে গেল?

মুঘল আমলে হিন্দু ও শিখরা হালাল মাংস বর্জন করত, কারণ তা “কুঠা” মাংস বলে। শিখ ধর্মে একমাত্র ঝটকায় কাটা প্রাণীর মাংস খাওয়া যায়। (যদিও নিরামিষ ভোজন কেই প্রেফার করা হয়।) এই হালাল মাংস কে বর্জন করার দরুণ, এক সময় হিন্দুদের মাংস খাওয়াই বন্ধ হওয়ার উপক্রম হয়েছিল। কারণ মুসলমান শাসকদের আমলে হিন্দুদের হাতে অস্ত্র রাখা নিষিদ্ধ ছিল। আর মুসলমানদের হালাল মাংস তারা খাবে না।

হিন্দু, শিখ, বৌদ্ধ ভাইদের উদ্দেশ্যে বলি, হালালের নামে হারাম মাংস খাওয়া বন্ধ করুন। ভারত সরকারের প্রতি আমার অনুরোধ, ইউরোপিয়ান সিস্টেম এর স্লটারহাউস চালু করুন। হত্যারও এথিকস আছে। হত্যার পদ্ধতির মধ্যেও মানবিকতা প্রয়োজন।

একটি প্রাণীকে মুক্ত আকাশের নিচে প্রাকৃতিক খাবার খাইয়ে ভালো ভাবে বড় করা হবে এবং তাকে বিনা ইঞ্জেকশানে বড় হতে সময় দেওয়া হবে। তাতে যত সময়ই লাগুক। মিট ইন্ডাস্ট্রির লাভ যতই কম হোক। সতিদাহ তেও হিন্দু পুরোহিতদের অনেক লাভ হত। দাস বাড়লে, দাস মালিকদের লাভ হত, কিন্ত একজনের জীবনের বিনিময়ে আরেকজনের লাভ মানবিক নয়। সে মানুষের জীবনই হোক আর প্রাণীর। ববর্রতা যতদিন থাকবে, আমরা ততদিন প্রকৃতপক্ষে স্বাধীন বা সভ্য কোনটাই হব না।

প্রাণীটি অ্যাডাল্ট হওয়ার পর স্লটারহাউসে নিয়ে যাওয়া হবে একটি জায়গাবহুল ট্রাকে, যেখানে প্রত্যেকটি প্রাণী ভালোভাবে দাঁড়াতে পারবে। জীবন্ত প্রাণীকে মালের মত একের উপর এক চাপিয়ে রাখা যাবে না। তাদের স্লটারহাউসে নামিয়ে যথেষ্ট বিশ্রাম দিতে হবে। তাদের উদ্বেগ কমাতে হবে। এবং তারপর, স্টান গান দিয়ে স্টান করে, অজ্ঞান অবস্থায়, ঝটকায় হত্যা করতে হবে। সভ্য হওয়ার প্রথম প্রয়োজনীয়তা দয়া। হালাল নাম দিয়ে যে মাংস বিক্রি করা হচ্ছে, তা বর্বর পদ্ধতিতে এসেছে। একে বর্জন করুন।

ইউরোপের স্লটার ল (European Slaughter Law) অনুযায়ী, একটি প্রাণীকে হত্যা করার আগে তাকে স্টান গান দিয়ে স্টান করে অজ্ঞান করা আবশ্যিক। উদ্দেশ্যটা মাংস খাওয়া, প্রাণীটাকে নরকযন্ত্রণা দেওয়া নয়। হালাল হত্যা পদ্ধতির সাথে ইসলামিক হালাল শব্দাথটির কোন সম্পর্ক নেই। হালাল শব্দটির মানে বৈধ। একটা প্রাণীকে নরকযন্ত্রণা দিয়ে হত্যা করা কখনই বৈধ হতে পারে না। ওটা হারাম! অত কষ্ট দিয়ে মারার পর, সেই মাংস খেয়ে কখনই তা শরীরে গিয়ে ভালো রিয়্যাশন করতে পারে না। তা শরীরের সাথে সাথে মনেও ভাওলেন্স বাড়িয়ে দিতে বাধ্য, আর এই কারণে আমার মুসলিম ভাইরা এত আগ্রাসী মনোভাবের।

আমাদের এইসব শতাব্দী প্রাচীন কুসংস্কার এর জন্য কেবল প্রাণীদের যে দুর্ভোগ হচ্ছে শুধু তা না, ঐ ভাবে হত্যা করা প্রাণীর মাংস খেলে আপনারও শরীরের ক্ষতি। আর সবচেয়ে বড় কথা এইসব হালালের কোন মানেই হয় না। মেরে খাবে সে খাও, তাতে আল্লাহ – জেহোভার নাম নিয়ে মন্ত্র পড়ে কোন কিছু হয় না। হালাল ট্যাগ মেরে যেসব মাংস বিক্রি হচ্ছে তা বর্জন করুন।

সরকারের প্রতি আমার দরখাস্ত, দয়া করে একটি মানবিক স্লটার সিস্টেম চালু করুন। হত্যা পুরোপুরি বর্জন করা সম্ভব না। কারণ এটা প্রকৃতির মধ্যেই আছে। মানুষ ভেগান হয়, তার উদ্দেশ্য ফ্যাক্টরি ফার্ম গুলোতে প্রাণীদের যে বন্দিত্ব ও ক্লেশ সহ্য করতে হয়, তার বিরুদ্ধে প্রতিবাদ হিসেবে। আমাদের লড়াই খাওয়ার বিরুদ্ধে না। আমাদের লড়াই অত্যাচার ও শোষণের বিরুদ্ধে। একটি এথিকাল মুক্ত পশু পালনব্যবস্থা ও ইউরোপিয়ান পদ্ধতি অনুসরণে একটি মানবিক স্লটারিং সিস্টেম চালু করাটাই এখন লক্ষ্য হওয়া উচিৎ।

সবাই কখনই নিরামিষভোজী হতে পারবে না। আর জোর করে কাউকে নিরামিষাশী করা উচিৎ না। এতে হিতে বিপরীত হবে। মাছ, মাংস অবশ্যই খাবেন। কারুর খাওয়া কেউ আটকাতে পারবে না। আমি নিজে অনেক মাংসভোজীর সাথে নিরামিষভোজন নিয়ে আলোচনা করে একটা জিনিস লক্ষ্য করেছি, বেশিরভাগ মানুষ খাদ্যাভ্যাস নিয়ে প্রশ্ন তুললে তারা খুব ভাওলেন্ট ও ডিফেন্সিভ হয়ে ওঠে। একটা জিনিস পরিস্কার, মাংস খাওয়া বন্ধ হবে না। অতএব এই মুহুর্তে প্রাণীদের ক্লেশ দূর করার একটাই উপায়, তাদের খোলা আকাশের নিচে, মুক্ত বাঁচতে দেওয়া, এবং তাদের হত্যার আগে স্টান করে (ছোট প্রাণী যেমন মুরগীর ক্ষেত্রে গ্যাস দিয়ে) অজ্ঞান করা। কারণ আমরা যতই মাংস খাওয়ার ব্যাপারে নিজেদের বাঘ-সিংহ মনে করি, আমরা কিন্তু আখেরে মানুষ। আমাদের উদ্দেশ্য মাংস খাওয়া, অত্যাচার করা না।

হালালের মত একটি নারকীয় প্রথা কে ও হালাল মাংসকে বর্জন করুন। যেসব মুসলিমরা এই একবিংশ শতাব্দীতে এসেও ধর্মোন্মাদনা করে, তাদের উদ্দেশ্যে আমি ধিক্কার জানাই। এবং সেই সকল হিন্দুদের উদ্দেশ্যেও ধিক্কার জানাই যারা ধর্মের নামে পশুবলি দিয়ে, কটা ধূপধুনো জ্বালিয়ে পবিত্র হতে চায়। যে ধর্ম মানুষকে মানবতা শেখাতে পারেনা, তা ধর্মই নয়। তাকে বর্জন করুন, নাহলে শীঘ্রই দুনিয়া আপনাকে বর্জন করবে।

ধুপের গন্ধে মলে সুগন্ধ হয় না। মল টা মলই থেকে যায়। একটি প্রাণীকে নির্মম ভাবে গলা চিরে তিলতিল করে হত্যা করাটা কখনই হালাল হতে পারে না। পদ্ধতিগতভাবে হালাল আসলে হারাম।

সুকুমার বিশ্বাসের “একাত্তরের বধ্যভূমি ও গণকবর থেকে”…

From Sukumar Biswas’ book “Ekattorer Badhyovumi O Ganokabor” (The Killing Field and Mass Graves of Seventy One), showcasing the mass murderers of the 1971 Bangladesh Liberation War.

Image 1:
From top left General Yahya Khan, Lt. Gen S.G.M. Pirjana, Major General Abdul Hamid Khan, Major General Rao Farman Ali, Gen. Tikka Khan, Maj.Gen Khadim Hossain Raja.

Image 2:
From top left Chowdhury Mueen-Uddin (Operation In-charge), Ashrafujjaman Khan (Chief Executioner/Assassin), M.Khalek Majumdar (Abductor of Shahidullah Kaysar).

A Report on the Incidents of Human Rights Violation on the Minorities (Religious and Racial) – Bangladesh 2016

There have been 1471 reported incidents of human rights violations on the minorities (Religious and Ethnic/Racial) of Bangladesh in 2016. This number is five and a half times more compared to 2015. There were 262 such reported incidents of human rights violation in 2015. In most individual cases multiple persons, families and organizations have sustained losses, totaling to an estimated figure of 33 thousand. In 2015, this number was 262 only. On the other hand, these incidents of human rights violations has created a deep psychological trauma among the millions of people living in Bangladesh and all over the world, who are akin to the victimized people, living alongside them in the ruinous areas, belonging to the same social and religious belt. 71 people have been murdered, most of which were gruesome murders. At the same time there have been 29 mysterious deaths, all of which seem like palpable murders. These numbers are 4 times compared to that of 2015. There were 24 such incidents of murder in 2015.
10% of the murders that have taken place in this time were pre-planned murders (target killing), behind which religious extremism has been deemed responsible. Religious preachers and priests of temples and monasteries were targeted for killing. In 2016, these killings began on the 21st February of the aforementioned year, in Debiganj of Panchgarh, with the brutal murder of the Principal of Gaudiya Sant Math, Maharaj Joggeshwar Ray and such incidents kept on happening one after one, with temporary breaks. The administration has not taken any effective steps to put a stop to or subdue the murderers. Finally, on the 1st of July of the aforementioned year, after the killing of about 20(18) foreigners (29 total including 5 gunmen and 24 victims – 18 foreigners, 2 locals, 2 policemen, 2 bakers according to Wikipedia/sources) in Holey Artisan Bakery of Gulshan Thana area, the government and administration was compelled to take action under tremendous pressure. Owing to this step taken by the administration to counter terrorism, the mass killing of Hindu priests came to a halt. Had the Holey Artisan incident (Dhaka Terror Attack) not taken place, would the administration have taken any steps to counter terrorism? The terrorists were active since much before. Starting from the Abhijit murder case in the 21st February Bookfair, 2015, the administration had been callous in bridling their programs for about a year and a half. The killing of writers, bloggers, priests and cleaning staff did not put any effect on the large middle class crowd of a developing nation’s economy. However, the killing of the representatives or buyers of imported clothing and the consultants of the Padma Bridge is definitely a great hindrance to the ongoing development of the nation. Therefore even though the government and administration have shown their amazing promptness in putting a halt to such killings, no such promptness has been seen in offering security to the minorities.

Type of Incident Figures(Comparison)
2016 2015

(Please view image 2 & end of image 3 for a clear chart, as Facebook posts do not convert the charts too well in text format)

Murder 71 22
Recovery of dead body (deemed as murder) 29 2
Attempt to Murder 28 3
Murder Threats 96 52
Injury/Persecution/Physical Assault Victim 875 239
Subscription demand 19 No information available
Attack on homes/businesses/property damage/vandalism/loot
and plunder 2238 275
Illegal possession of land and
forced eviction –
i) Land grabbing and possession of residence/house 1158 90
ii) Promptness of illegal possession/eviction
(family) 386 572
iii) Threats of eviction 237 11
iv) Threats to leave the country 46 No information available
v) Attempts to flee (family)
168 No information available
Attacks on Temple/Vandalism/Arson 77 31
Destruction of Idols 259 180
Theft/Burglary and Robbery in Temples 21 5
Theft of Idols 11 11
Gang rape 15 10
Rape 17 15
Attempt to Rape 13 4
Abduction/Kidnapping 28 24
Missing 24 No information available
Abduction and Forced Religious Conversion 5 9
Ease of Religious Conversion 3 1
Penalty and Castigation with false
charges of defaming religion 7 1
Hindus forced to consume beef 3 No information available
Total number of incidents 1471 262
Number of aggrieved people, families and
establishments (approximate figures) 33000 1562
In this time, 875 people have sustained injuries owing to various violent attacks and physical assaults, 28 people have been victims of abduction, there have been 32 cases of rape among which there were 15 gang rapes. There have been 2238 incidents of attack on land and property, temples and businesses, loot-plunder and arson. There have been 1158 incidents of land grabbing and 386 incidents of forced possession of houses/land and eviction. At the same time 168 families have attempted to flee the nation. At least 259 idols have been destroyed. Other than that, owing to consecutive murder threats and murders of people of temples and monasteries, the daily prayers and oblations in 365 temples came to a halt. Several priests, curators and attendants of temples were forced to abscond; some even fled the country. There have been multiple complaints that Hindu families have been threatened to convert to Islam.

All information has been collected by reviewing national daily newspapers, online news mediums and organizations.
Graph of murder and corpses/bodies recovered resembling murder/seemingly murdered in 2016 (monthly chart)

In the above image we can see that the incidents of murder have occurred least in the month of January and it has been at its peak in July. On the other hand, in the very next month, in August, there were much fewer murders. It is apropos to mention that post the Holey Artisan tragedy in Gulshan, the counter terrorism activities undertaken by the government brought down the incidents of murder and incidents of terror related murders finally came to a halt after a long span of eighteen months.
Among the 100 people mentioned above, those who were brutally murdered are:

(Check image 4 & 5)

Serial No. Name of Victim District Method of Murder Date of Murder
1. Tapas Bhowmik Narsingdi Stabbing January 15, 2016
2. Jogeshwar Roy Panchagarh Throat Slitting February 21, 2016
3. Biplab Roy Silet Stabbing March 15, 2016
4. Manindra Chandra Narayanganj Blow with Sharp weapon March 16, 2016
5. Sanjay Sarkar Munshiganj Blow with Sharp weapon March 21, 2016
6. Dipu Orao Naogaon Stabbing March 31, 2016
7. Sanatan Chandra Modak Bagura Stabbing April 2, 2016
8. Manik Jamadar (Cleaning Staff)
Bharat Jamadar (Cleaning Staff) Faridpur Stabbed to death(dual murder) April 7, 2016
9.
10. Goutam Mali (Cleaning Staff) Barishal Stabbed to death April 17, 2016
11. Parmananda Ray Gopalganj Stabbed to death April 24, 2016
12. Manendra Tripura Khagrachari Decapitated body recovered, with one missing arm and one missing leg April 29, 2016
13. Nikhil Chandra Jowardar Tangail Stabbed to death April 30, 2016
14. Basanta Barua Bandarban Killed by slitting of throat May 4, 2016
15. Murari Mohan Majumdar Jessore Stabbed with a knife May 6, 2016
16. Tapas Chandra Das Comilla Stabbed to death May 7, 2016
17. Bhikshu Mongsheu Chak Bandarban Stabbed to death May 13, 2016
18. Suman Mondal Jessore Beaten to death May 22, 2016
19. Debesh Chandra Pramanik Gaibandha Stabbed to death May 25, 2016
20. Kanika Ghosh Chapai Nawabganj Stabbed to death May 27, 2016
21. Sunil Chakma Bandarban Stabbed to death May 31, 2016
22. Subhid Chandra Ray Nilphamari Stabbed to death June 3, 2016
23. Sunil Gomez Natore Stabbed to death June 5, 2016
24. Ananda Gopal Ganguly Jhenaidah Stabbed to death June 7, 2016
25. Nityaranjan Pandey Pabna Stabbed to death June 10, 2016
26. Tapas Chandra Biswas Narsingdi Decapitated body recovered June 11, 2016
27. Sulal Choudhuri Chattagram Killed by slitting of throat June 25, 2016
28. Mongshoilu Marma Bandarban Killed by slitting of throat June 30, 2016
29. Shyamananda Das Jhenaidah Killed by slitting of throat July 1, 2016
30. Shibu Sarkar Habiganj Blow by sharp weapon July 9, 2016
31. Shukla Rani Sen Nilphamari Killed by slitting of throat July 25, 2016
32. Sagor Barman Narayanganj Pumping death/Air inserted into anus or rectum July 24, 2016
33. Sonadhan Tripura Chattagram Stabbed to death July 25, 2016
34. Jharna Rani Bhoumik Kishoreganj Accidentally shot in the head while the police and terrorists were exchanging fire. July 7, 2016
35. Durjoy Das Moron Narsingdi Abducted and murdered. July 21, 2016
36. Ripon Dey Chattagram Stabbed with a knife/dagger. August 13, 2016
37. Shubho Dey Chattagram Stabbed to death. September 22, 2016
38. Nitu Mondal Madaripur Stabbed with knife/dagger. September 18, 2016
39. Subrata Karmakar Dhaka Dead body recovered from river 4 after they went missing. September 24, 2016
40. Goutam Chandra Ray
41. Haridas Pal Bagura Decapitated corpse recovered. September 3, 2016
42. Tanni Ray Habiganj Dead body recovered from river, stuffed inside a sack. September 20, 2016
43. Jaydev Kumar Paik Pirojpur Eyes gouged out and beaten to death. October 6, 2016
44. Himadri Mondal Savar Death by slitting of throat. October 27, 2016
45. Shyamal Hembrom Gaibandha Killed in a clash between the Santhals and the authorities/owners of the Rangpur Sugar-cane farm of Gainbandhar, Gobindaganj subdistrict and the Police. November 6, 2016 and afterwards
46. Mangal Saren
47. Ramesh Tudu
48. Niyati Chakrabarty Brahmanbaria Death by burning. November 16, 2016
49. Pushpendu Bikash Mondal Khulna Blow by a sharp weapon. November 29, 2016
50. Goutam Sarkar Satkhira Abducted and killed due to non-payment of ransom. December 17, 2016
51. Kapil Chandra Baroi Dhaka Abducted and killed due to non-payment of ransom. December 20, 2016
52. Shuku Saren Dinajpur Stabbed with a knife/dagger. December 21, 2016
53. Shipra Kundu Khulna Accidentally shot by the bullet aimed at the Khulna Awami League leader and Khulna city AL publication secretary Z.A. Mahmud Don. December 31, 2016

At the same time, there have been 28 incidents of attempt to murder. In one such incident, the locals caught hold of the miscreant who attempted to murder Ripon Chakrabarty, Professor of Mathematics at Najimuddin College (Government Institution) of Madaripur district, and handed him over to the police. This incident took place on the evening of Wednesday, 15th of June, 2016. On the 17th of June, 2016, Friday late evening, in Boram village of Naogaon Patnitala sub district, an old man named Maina Chandra Mahanta, belonging to the minority community was stabbed with sharp weapons by miscreants in an attempt to murder incident. He was stabbed in the head and on multiple parts of the body and left for dead. On the 22nd June, 2016 an attempt to murder was made on a temple priest named Swapan Chakrabarty of Gajipur Kaliakoire. On the 1st of July, 2016, an attendant of Vivekananda Library and Temple of Kishoreganj’s Naguwa area, Palash Chakrabarty was attacked at the dead of night. 11th July, 2016, Monday night, 4 suspicious looking young men had come looking for the priest of the Central Magura Kalibari temple. 20th July, 2016, Wednesday, early morning, in Biyanibajar sub district, 2 unknown men tried to barge in and enter the Panchakhanda Ramakrishna Sebasram of Biyanibazar subdistrict. They stood in front of the entrance and demanded to see the priest. Meeting resistance from the guards they went back. On the 23rd of August, 2016, miscreants stabbed Chittaranjan Arya, the curator of Narsingdi Kali Mandir with a machete and left him with deep wounds.
Among these incidents of attempted murder, one such incident of 27th June, 2016 moves us in an altogether different manner. Mrinmoy Majumdar, a student of Jahangirnagar University was going home for the Id holidays. This young man was stabbed with a knife by terrorists near Bagerhat. As the terrorists left him, certain that he’ll succumb to his injuries, the mortally injured youth somehow managed to run away. Before stabbing him, the young man was asked his name, later he was asked to remove his pants in order to make sure of his religious identity and when he was identified as a Hindu without any reasonable doubt, the terrorists picked up their weapons and stabbed him. This incident takes us back to 1971. Such an incident, where a man is forced to remove his lungi or pants for making out his religious identity, in an independent nation built on the main principles of secularism, proves how actively powerful the communal and anti-libertarian powers still are.
In 2016, there were 96 listed incidents of murder threats. During this time several head priests of prime temples belonging to religious minorities as well as several temple staff received death threats. On the 15th of June, 2016, the principal of Dhaka’s Ramakrishna Mission received death threats. On the 28th of June, 2016, the chief priest of Dharmarajika Buddhist Monastery (Dharmarajika Bauddha Bihar) received death threats. Throughout the nation, several temple attendants of remote areas received such threats. These threats disrupted the normal religious routine of the concerned communities.
There have been 32 reported incidents of rape. Among them 15 were gang rapes including the mother-daughter joint gang rape case. On the 11th of July, 2016, mother and daughter belonging to Hindu minority community, were gang raped in Patuakhali’s Bauphal subdistrict. Owing to high political connections of the accused, the two women have been deprived of justice. On the 15th of June, 2016, a Hindu housewife was gang raped in Jaypurhat’s Akkelpur subdistrict. 4th of April, 2016, in Mirsarai, 4 miscreants attacked a tribal family, tied up the husband and gang raped the wife. 22nd April, 2016, Friday morning, a Hindu housewife was tied up and gang raped in Gajipur’s Kaliakoir subdistrict, Sahebabad area. 12th May, 2016, in Kushtia, a Christian teacher (female) and on the 21st May, 2016, in Narayanganj’s Siddhirganj Signboard area, a Hindu school girl was gang raped. In September, a housewife belonging to the minority community, in Chunkhola Union’s Sholabaria village of Bagerhat’s Mollahat subdistrict, was allegedly intimidated and raped for 15 days in a row. The rapist threatened to kill every member of the family and kept them detained inside their house/under house arrest. The rape victim was not let to be taken to a hospital even though her ankle was chopped off with a sword. October 3rd, 2016, while returning home from the Durga Puja venue, a minority school girl of 8th standard (grade) was raped in Sunamganj’s Jamalganj. The rapist’s uncle being a local UP chairman, has allegedly created obstacles in the way of taking help from the police and getting treatment. 16th October, 2016, in Palli of Habiganj’s Nabiganj subdistrict, a Hindu housewife was allegedly held for 3 days and gang raped. Other than these aforementioned incidents, on the 19th of October, 2016, there was also an incident of child rape in Dinajpur’s Parbatipur, where a 5 year old child suffered from inhuman torture and rape. Finally on the 31st of December, the last day of the year, a Garo woman was the victim of gang rape.
28 people have been victims of abduction/kidnapping in 2016. On the night of 8th May, 2016, Monday, 11 year old Hindu school girl Bristi Rani was kidnapped. On the 24th of May, 2016, in Fasiakhali of Lama subdistrict, a 13 year old adolescent Pahari girl named Hlasaing Marma was kidnapped and later she was reported to have been a victim of forced conversion and marriage. Since the girl was a minor the validity of the marriage and religious conversion is questionable. At the same time, there have been several kidnappings of temple priests and attendants.
There have been 77 incidents of attack on religious establishments, vandalism and arson in 2016. At the same time, there have been several incidents of forced possession of property of religious establishments. Incidents of seizing of minority property and attack with that intent, persecution and oppression of minorities were quite mainstream in this country, during the reign of the previous government. But what amazes us is that the state policy deports and exiles the minority from his property. Since the very beginning it has been customary in this country to seize the land of the Chakma, the Garo, the Khasiya, the Santhal, the Rakhain, the tea-community and native settlers in the name of bestowed property, in the name of state autarchy/authoritarianism and national security, in the name of development, in the name of tourism, in the name of special economic zone or industry and in the name of forest preservation. Most recently, on the 6th of November, we witnessed the inhuman atrocities committed by the merciless Bangladesh administration on a defenseless community of people in Gaibandhar Gobindaganj. In their attempt to cling on to their ancestral lands, they were brutalized by direct and indirect efforts of the administration and public representatives who committed murder, loot, arson and forced eviction.
In the past few years, information technology has been used as a weapon for the persecution of minorities. In September of 2012, the incident involving Ramu was witnessed by the nation in great shock and horror. Following this incident there has been multiple incidents of minority persecution where ‘offending religious sentiments’ have been used as watchwords. Even teachers are not exempt from these attacks. Finally, on the 30th of October, 15 temples were vandalized and over one hundred and fifty houses belonging to Hindus was ransacked in Nasirnagar after rumors were spread that Islamic sentiments were offended in social media. The callousness of the local administration was clearly noticeable during this incident. After the main incident, several smaller attacks were perpetrated but the administration was operative by then. Several attacks on temples were perpetrated simultaneously throughout the country. While trying to identify the miscreants the two leading political parties started playing the blame game on each other. Hence the result is, as always, the masterminds of the attacks, the ones who made the blueprints of communalism, remained unidentifiable. Whenever an attack on minorities occurs, the ruling party or the government accuses the opposition or claims that some communal or terrorist group is trying to put the government under pressure. If this blame game politics is not put aside and the perpetrators are not identified, such incidents will keep on repeating. Before the aftershocks of the attack on the Hindu community in Brahmanberia’s Nasirnagar were absorbed, there was an attack on the Santhals in Gaibandhar’s Gobindaganj. The administration has allegedly played an active role in brutally evicting the Santhals. The Santhals are marginalized people of our society. Such state sponsored brutality on Santhals is an example of extreme violation of human rights. Over two months have passed and the offenders have not been arrested. The victims are living subhuman lives under the open skies in the extreme cold.

Documented by Priya Saha

Titumir: Freedom Fighter… or Islamic Zealot? Hero…or terrorist?

by Deep Biswas

(Part of a larger research, a series of articles on the topic of ‘The Islamic Vision of the Indian Freedom Movement’, copyrighted material, should not be reproduced in any shape or form without author’s permission)

Syed Mir Afsar Ali, popularly known as Titumir, has been eulogized in school text books, in Bengali folk lore and literature as the mythical hero who united the peasants to overthrow the oppressive Zamindari regime, which was in coalition with the nefarious British government. He has colleges, university dormitories, commemorative stamps and even naval bases named after him in Bangladesh. Many historians (mostly left inclined ones) and modern day literary masters (e.g. Mahashweta Devi) consider him a heroic leader, a pioneer of the peasant revolution in India and a great freedom fighter for India. BBC has even named Titu Mir as one of “20 Greatest Bengalis”.

But is there something that they’re not telling you? Or are we disregarding what’s written between the lines? Let’s start from the very beginning and you can decide for yourself if Titumir is the hero they say he was, or was he one of the first terrorists of Bengal.

Report by John Russell Colvin

Not much textual material is available about Titumir, which makes it easier for some historians and writers to make up their own version of Titumir. Just like the semi-real mythical figures by the names of Abraham, Moses, Jesus and Muhammad; the Titu Mir we come to learn of is mostly a fictional folk legend. One of the most reliable sources of learning about the real Titu Mir is from John Russell Colvin’s reports. Colvin was a British Civil Servant posted in India. He was the Lieutenant-Governor of the North-West Provinces. He was appointed to make a report on Titumir.

Colvin’s report states:

“This man had begun life as a small cultivator. It was whispered that he had been the leader of a robber gang. He drifted in course of time to Calcutta, where he became a wrestler. Thence he passed into the service of one of the large landed proprietors, who kept each in his pay a retinue of swashbucklers. The business of these bullies was to break each other’s heads over their masters’ disputes, whenever a boundary question or the right to a plot of land had passed beyond the power of argument. This occupation brought Titu Mian (Titumir), who was an expert at it, within the four walls of one of the Company’s jails. The experience seems to have led to a distaste for engaging in other people’s quarrels. On his release, he took the ship to Mecca, where salvation awaited him. For Sayyid Ahmad met him; made him a disciple, and sent him back an Apostle to India. He preached the Wahabi tenets to the north and east of Calcutta. Many adhered to the Apostle; some doubted; others made a scoff of him. But Apostles are not to be lightly scoffed at. Titu Mian, though now enlisted in the service of a divine master, had not forgotten the cunning of the right hand which had been once raised in earthly interests.”

As we can clearly see from the report, Titumir comes from a violent and criminal background. Let’s see how it all began.

Early Life

Titu Mir was born in 1782 (14 Magh, 1188 as per the Bengali Calendar, 25-29 January) in Chandpur village (controversially Haiderpur village) in Basirhat, West Bengal. Though Titu Mir was born in India, his not so distant ancestor Saiyid Shahadat Ali hailed from Arabia, who came to Bengal to preach Islam. Shahadat’s son Saiyid Abdullah was appointed the chief ‘qazi’ of Jafarpur by the Mughal Emperor of that time and was bestowed the title ‘Mir Insaaf’. Thenceforth the descendents of Shahadat Ali kept both the titles “Mir” and “Saiyid” in their names as hereditary titles. Shahadat Ali claimed to be a descendant of Ali ibn Abi Talib, the son-in-law of Prophet Muhammad, the first Imam of Shia Islam (632 CE-661 CE) and the fourth Caliph (Rashidun Caliphate) of Islam (656 CE- 661 CE). So preaching Islam and converting the native population pretty much ran in the family with Titu Mian.

Titu Mir was educated first in a village Maktab and then in a Madrassa. He was a scholar (hafiz) of the Qur’an and Hadiths. He learnt three languages e.g. Bengali, Arabic and Persian. Though he was initially a farmer/cultivator, he had become a robber and later a swashbuckler (a ruffian or a bully) or a ‘lathial’ working under a Zamindar. Practicing of this profession even led him to the Company’s prison. After being released from prison he went to Mecca (1822) and came in to contact with the Saudi Wahhabis. Coincidentally Sayyid Ahmad Khan of Rae Bareilly/Barelvi (a pioneer of Wahhabism in India, propounder of Tariqah-i-Muhammadiya movement) was visiting Mecca as well and the two made acquaintance. 5 years later (1827), he came back to Bengal as an apostle and began preaching Wahhabism to the Bengali farmers. (Sayyid Khan’s stay in Mecca lasted for only 3 months, however, Titu stayed there till 1827. No information is available on Titu’s whereabouts in Mecca. May or may not be a mistake in dating.)

This much is in the lines. Now let’s look at what’s between the lines.

Titumir is known as the father of Wahhabi (Tariqah-i-Muhammadiya) movement in Bengal. Wahhabism is considered to be one of the prime causes of terrorism throughout the world today, both by non-Islamic and Islamic scholars. Even the most staunch Sunni Islamic fundamentalists consider Wahhabism to be a barbaric and demonic sect of Islam and shun its practices. Though some people consider it to be the purest form of monotheism, in reality, Wahhabism is an “ultraconservative”, “puritanical” “vile” sect which was adopted in Islam for the sole purpose of power usurpation by the Arabs. Wahhabism promotes extreme misogyny, militantism, extremism, violent intolerance against non-Muslims, atheists and even moderate Muslims. It makes a very distorted interpretation of the Koran and post the 1970s, after the great oil purge in Arabia, Wahhabi Islamists have been spreading a distorted version of the Koran throughout the world which promotes Arab nationalism among non-Arabs and provokes Muslims to be hateful towards non-Muslims. Currently the Wahhabi preachers are funded by the Saudi Arabian government with billions of Dinars that comes from oil export revenue. Though this using of oil money for religious outreach phenomena is a relatively recent one, Wahhabism has always been an aggressive sect in Islam. Most people who find Sunni Islam to be conservative and violent, have no idea what a crazed Wahhabi maniac is capable of! Now with that being said, let’s look at what Titumir did as the pioneer of the Wahhabi movement in Bengal.

After coming back from Mecca(1827), Titumir began organizing the Muslim peasants of his native village. Left historians and others are often quoted saying that Titumir organized both Hindu and Muslim peasants. Titumir was a benevolent leader of the peasants in Bengal, irregardless of their religion. This is far from the truth. First of all, he could care less about peasants, had he cared at all!

We’ve read in Colvin’s report that he was a ‘lathial’ or a ruffian/swashbuckler who worked under a zamindar. (He belonged to a ‘peyada’ or martial family.) Do you know what skills these ‘lathials’ or ruffians possessed? The sole purpose of these swashbucklers was extortion! Yes extortion (formally known as tax collection back then) from the peasants. Their job was to beat the taxes out of them and give that money to the Zamindars, also crack open whichever head the zamindar pointed to. So let’s put the ‘humanitarian’, peasant sympathizing logic about Titu Mir aside for now. No doubt the Zamindars were evil and oppressive but no less were his henchmen especially Titu. Yes, a person may change with time and become a different person altogether but then again, let’s not disregard the fact that Titumir was a convicted criminal who was not arrested for being involved in India’s freedom struggle but for being a swashbuckler who smashed people’s heads on command of the Zamindar.

So now let’s look at the so-called ‘secular’ side of Titumir. Some scholars say that it is an absolutely arbitrary claim that Titumir organized the peasants irregardless of their religion.

First of all, it’s necessary to know that the British used the term ‘Wahhabism’ as a common denominator for all Islamic fundamentalist movements including Salafism, Tariqah-i-Muhammadiya, Faraidi, Fariazi, Taaiyuni, Ahl-i-Hadith, the movement of Shah Waliullahi, Fulaniand Sannusiyah (North Africa), Paduri (Indonesia), Muhammadiyah (Indonesia) and Wahhabism of Arabia itself. “Tariqah-i-Muhammadiya” basically means the way of Muhammad. And his way simply meant to war against non-Muslims. The Tariqah-i-Muhammadiya movement was thought to be Sayyid Ahmad Khan’s version of Wahhabism. In any case all these movements were all very similar, where the restoration of Islamic dominance in the political field and Islamic ways in the society was focused upon. In short if Wahhabism is the book, Tariqah-i-Muhammadiya was a chapter, which had gained much mileage and popularity in Uttar Pradesh due to Sayyid Ahmad’s work.

If Titu was indeed the secular peasant leader that he was, why did he make Islam or Wahhabism a rallying call?

So either the apparent Hindu peasants in his army had already been converted (possibly by force) or they were being used as vanguards (they are like pawns in chess, often used as guinea pigs to test the enemy’s strength) for Titumir’s Wahhabi army. Another logic that’ll justify this claim is that in Wahhabism, a non-Muslim cannot fight alongside a Muslim.

One would have reasons to believe that he used to his advantage his fearsome and criminal reputation as a bully or a ruffian to scare the poor peasants enough so that they’ll fight for him.

Now let’s take a look at Titumir’s methods. His methods of preaching focuses on segregation. Previous to Wahhabism, Islam in India was somewhat liberal about integrating local animist and pagan customs, which made everyone’s life easier. Because most Indian Muslims were converts from Hinduism or other indigenous religions of India and they could not shun their forefathers’ customs and traditions so easily. For example…

But Wahhabism is about maintaining ‘purity’ of Islam. It’s a matter Arab prestige. Hence everything else, that is deemed un-Islamic must be done away with. (Wahhabism.is also staunchly against several popular Sunni practices like the ‘veneration of saints’. They’ve destroyed many ancient Islamic monuments, tombs e.g. the tomb of Fatimah and even the grave of Muhammad’s mother Aminah in 1998. They are extremely iconoclastic and destroy any object human’s worship as it is Shirk, a gateway to polytheism.) Titumir is known to have instigated the Muslims against the ‘Kuffars’ who practice ‘Shirk’ and ‘Bidah’. Titu Mir, following Wahhabi traditions not only advised his followers to refrain from Shirk (idolatry, polytheism, pantheism etc.) and Bid’ah/Bidat (innovation, a new idea involving Godhood/theology). He advised them (especially the peasants and weavers) to follow the Islamic way of life.

Zamindars taxed Muslims: A Blatant Lie!

Titu Mir is glorified as a rebel who fought against the oppressive Zamindari regime, but no one ever discusses his real motives behind fighting the Zamindars. Left historians trying to antagonize the entire Hindu community, have fabricated the documents and distorted the facts to make it seem like the Hindu community is communal by nature and what Titumir did was justified. The Zamindars, no doubt oppressive, did impose unfair taxes on the peasants, but it was not for Muslims only.

In “Origins of Muslim Consciousness in India: A World System Perspective”, the writer Syed Nesar Ahmad claims that the Zamindars had full backing of the British in fixing rents. In his own words, “Faraidi teachings also included injunctions against paying cesses that, they claimed, the landlords demanded illegally. Since Shariat Allah began preaching in 1818, these cesses, which were first imposed in 1793, must have still been imposed after 1818. Many of these cesses were for Hindu religious purposes (Khan, 1965:iii). The taxes the zamindars imposed included levies for the celebration of Hindu rites and for offering worship to the Hindu goddesses (Wise, 1883:24). Similarly, Hindu landlords imposed restrictions, such as prohibiting cow slaughter (thus violating Muslim religious rights, within areas of their zamindari (estates). These actions on the part of the Hindu zamindars indicate their need to create a distance between Hindus and Muslims. This could reflect an attempt on the part of the Hindu landlords both to divide the ranks of the peasantry, which consisted mostly of Muslim and low-caste Hindus, and to exclude enterprising Muslims from seizing any of the limited opportunities available for entrepreneurship. On their part, the Faraidi leaders also tried to create a chasm between Hindus and Muslims by insisting that their followers eschew Hindu customs and manners, including Hindu dress.”

So yes, the zamindars did impose a cess or tax on the peasants and the general population which included the Muslims as well, but these cess or taxes included levies for celebrating Hindu festivals e.g. Durga Puja etc. This can be called a way of forcefully collecting donations for religious festivities of a certain community, which as unjust as it may be, is not the same as imposing religious taxes (like the Jizya) on a certain community for belonging to a faith different from the rulers’. The zamindars did not impose taxes on the Muslims for being Muslim or for keeping a beard or for praying in a Masjid. This is typical Leftist-Islamist historic approach wherein they always try to undermine the Islamic atrocities committed on Hindus by claiming that the Hindus did the same or would have done the same were they in power. But this is untrue. The taxes that were imposed on the general peasant population (that included Muslims and Hindus) cannot be equated with the Jizya.
The Islamic rulers who ruled from the 7th to the 19th century, were way more ruthless than these puny Zamindars when it came to extortion. Is it not justified in Islam to impose religious taxes (Jizya) on non-Muslims living in Islamic lands?
Throughout history, the Islamic rulers (with a few exceptions of course like Akbar the Great) have imposed Jizya on non-Muslims (Dhimmis) not just in the sub-continent, but across the world. They have imposed Zakat on Muslims and Kharaj on agricultural land. (Kharaj was initially synonymous with Jizyah which later became a separate per head tax) Islamic rulers had also imposed a tax or religious tithe on Muslim landowners called Ushr, which interestingly was much lower than the Kharaj.
So was Titu fighting the unfair taxes by the Hindu Zamindars? Or, was he fighting to collect those taxes for Islamic domination?

Islamism is never the solution to anything. It is bigger problem to an already existing problem. If zamindars were a problem, a ruffian cum criminal turned Wahhabi preacher/Islamic zealot was an even bigger threat.

Going back to the passage from Nesar Ahmed’s book, he says the zamindars imposed restrictions on cow slaughter which were “violating Muslim religious rights”! I personally don’t agree with this assumption. Because no Islamic scholar in the world has yet produced any references from authentic Islamic scriptures, which justifies the popular claim that prohibiting cow slaughter violates Islamic religious rights. Cow slaughter has got nothing to do with Islam. (If it was up to me I’d say slaughter of any kind has got nothing to do with God! But that’d be preaching morality on my behalf.) Nowhere in the Koran does it say one has to sacrifice a cow particularly. It can be a goat as well. So why would prohibiting cow slaughter be against Islamic rights? The author is assuming that the prohibition of cow slaughter was done with the sole intention of creating a conflict between Hindus and Muslims without producing solid evidence to justify his claim. Because a riot would do the zamindar no good. It’d only make his life harder, which was pretty easy otherwise, beating the taxes out of subjects. The cow slaughtering ritual actually goes back to pre-Islamic times. Certain tribal groups and lower caste Hindus (who are now a part and percentage of the group of peoples collectively known as scheduled castes and scheduled tribes), practiced the slaughtering and consuming of old cows and bulls. (Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes of India, R.K.Singh) Many of these tribes and castes later converted to Islam but did not give up this practice. Defending this practice from an Wahhabi point of view doesn’t make sense because Wahhabism is about the “purity of Islam”; so why defend or fight to preserve a ritual that is produced due to an amalgamation with a non-Islamic, non-Arab culture?

Titu Mir wasn’t fighting for the peasants of all creeds as the leftist-Islamist historians claim, he was nothing more than an Islamic Zealot, of Arabic descent (more specifically of the Caliph Ali’s descent) fighting for re-establishing Islamic dominance in the Indian subcontinent, which was at that time ruled by the British.

I will yet again point to Syed Nesar Ahmed’s book “Origins of Muslim Consciousness in India: A World System Perspective” as a solidification of this statement. Nesar Ahmed writes, “The Faraidis were not the only fundamentalist group that arose in the 1820’s in response to the crisis of the time. Titu Mir’s short-lived movement (1827-1831) also touched the lives of thousands.Titu Mir’s social and religious program, like those of the other fundamentalist groups of his time, created an intense and distinct Muslim consciousness. The stress on puritanism, the banning of all non-Islamic rites and adopting a distinct appearance by his injunctions to grow beards and to wear dhoti (commonly worn in Bengal) without passing one end between the legs (which the Hindus did) solidified the identity of these fundamentalist followers as Muslims.”

So clearly Nesar Ahmed thinks Titu Mir was a fundamentalist. Not only that, Ahmed further goes on to state that Titu Mir stressed on puritanism and banning of all non-Islamic rites except the cow slaughter which was not banned by Titu Mir, probably because the cow slaughter issue was being used by Islamic fundamentalists as an excuse of creating conflict and not by the zamindars. The Islamic fundamentalists needed one spark which would start a chain reaction, the cow slaughter issue was one of that. The other being the fact that Titu Mir made an army of peasants, weavers and unemployed people belonging to the lower strata of society, this made it easier for them to first victimize and then play victims themselves. Islamic fundamentalists have been using this method in every country where they’re not the rulers. Since the middle ages till now. Followers of these Islamic fundamentalists have been following these tactics throughout the world, where they land the first blow and then when they get hit back, the play the victims. Take today’s Kashmir for example, young Kashmiri men and women, instigated by Pakistani agents, throw stones at the Indian army, who are merely doing their jobs, patrolling peacefully. When provoked often times the army men lose their patience and hit back. Shooting a civilian is considered a punishable offence in the Indian army, so they don’t use bullets. But one cannot expect the military men to just stand there take it for too lonf! This is all the Pakistanis need, one snap of an army guy hitting a Kashmiri and they now have an image to antagonize India at the United Nations. This same strategy has been used by Left historians and Islamists in India to present distorted perspective of history, where the documentations of the events (their causality) are fabricated and thus the interpretation of the cause and effect changes in the mind of the reader.

Nesar Ahmed also goes on to explain how Titu Mir brought segregation in clothing; by advising his followers to wear the loin cloth in ‘tahband’ style and abandon the ‘dhoti’ style, because the dhoti style (where one end of the cloth is passed between the legs) was overtly Hindu. This was simply a marking method, following he Wahhabi way, which requires the non-Muslims be marked.

Titumir organized about 15000 men and called his army the Mujahids. Who are the Mujahids? They’re the “holy warriors” of Islam. What do they do? They fight to establish Islam. Why is violence necessary when it comes to preaching a religion? Yes, now that is the right question. Religion doesn’t require violence, but Islam does. Because Islam is not just a religion. It is a socio-political system. Islam is a civilisation that believes in usurping other civilisations. The Prophet Muhammad was a political leader himself who waged wars against the non-believers. Especially Wahhabism is all about Arab imperialism and establishing the Islamic law over secular nation-state laws. It is a fight for Arab prestige. In the Arab mind, the Islamic way is nothing but the Arabic pure. Arabic is the holy language of Islam and Mecca is the holy land of Islam. Dressing like the Arabs is considered dressing religiously. That’s why when Arabs brutalize people, do public beheadings, play camel jockey, buy sell and keep women in harems – they’re also considered Islamic. Yes, this is not the fault of Islam – but then again, Islam is not an independent entity that can exist with Arab culture with the exception of Sufi, Ibadi and some other tiny minorities like Ahmadiyya etc.

The Battle of Narkelberia

So, after forming his army, Titu Mir proclaimed the Company’s government as illegitimate and that Muslims were the true rulers of the land. Titu Mir’s men declared that henceforward the peasants were to pay rent only to Titu Mir and not to the Zamindars or the Company. Fighting for the peasant’s cause? Not so much. Soon several areas, currently known as districts of 24 Parganas, Nadia and Faridpur came under Titu Mir’s control. His army enforced their demand in all the villages which fell under these districts. The local Zamindars of this areas received ‘Parwanas’ asking then to send ration for Titu Mir’s army. The less powerful zamindars submitted to Titu Mir and some of the powerful ones fleed the place after a series of successful guerilla attacks by Titu Mir’s army using the attack and retreat tactics. (This was reported in the India Gazette.) Among the Hindu zamindars who went in to conflict with Titumir Krishnadev Rai of Purha, Kaliprasanna Mukhopadhyay of Gobardanga, Rajnarayan of Taragonia, Gauri Prasad Chowdhury of Nagpur and Devanath Rai of Gobra-govindpur are noteworthy. Unable to defeat Titu’s vast and well trained army, the Zamindars sought help from the British. It was Kaliprasanna Mukhopadhyay of Gobardanga who first instigated the Kuthial (factor) of Mollahati, Davis, to send his forces against Titu Mir. But Davis’ forces were defeated. Titu tried to play victim by lodging a complaint against the oppressive Zamindars to the East India Company. But no one fell for it. Finally it was Krishnadev Rai who begged the British to help and help arrived by the order of Lord William Bentinck, in the form of 300 native infantry, 100 cavalry and artillery with two cannons, led by Lieutenant Colonel Stewart. Titumir’s bamboo castle and primitive weaponry rendered useless against the advanced weaponry of the British and his army finally fell. He was killed in the war along with 50 Mujahids. About 350 Mujahids were captured including their commander, Titu’s nephew Ghulam Masum. Ghulam was given the death sentence and about 140 Mujahids were sent to prison. Some of them were able to flee.

Recent Controversy:

Most recently the West Bengal Board of Secondary Education had approved a textbook (written by Biswajit Bag) which consists of a chapter where it is claimed that Titumir killed several Hindus and vandalised multiple temples. This assertion was challenged by Prof. Gautam Bhadra, who is a renowned Islamic historian and scholar. But funnily enough, Bhadra who described this assertion as “baseless distortion of history”, writes in his book ‘Iman O Nishan (Faith and the Flag) “Titu destroyed one Hindu temple and killed one priest who worked in the temple of a talukdar (tax collector who holds land) Deb Roy. (And) that is not because of any communal reason but because of the nature of his movement, [which was] directed against an irrational tax regime implemented by the land holders.” So Prof.Bhadra’s problem is with the words ‘many’ and ‘several’, he prefers to go with ‘one’. But who can really account for these figures, be it ‘many’ or ‘one’? Who kept the scores? Where the records and reports of these casualties?

Secondly, why deliberately destroy a temple and kill a priest as a protest against irrational tax regime? How are the idols or the bells responsible? Was it really the priest’s doing, the imposition of unfair taxes? Prof. Bhadra in his attempt to justify Titu Mir’s movement as a secular humanitarian one, fails to adhere to the path of reason. Let’s take a look at one of the accepted definitions of terrorism (of course there are many definitions of terrorism) proposed at the G.C.Marshall European Center for Security Studies, by Carsten Bockstette:
“Terrorism is defined as political violence in an asymmetrical conflict that is designed to induce terror and psychic fear (sometimes indiscriminate) through the violent victimization and destruction of noncombatant targets (sometimes iconic symbols).”
According to the former U.N. Secretary-General Kofi Annan,”regardless of the differences between governments on the question of the definition of terrorism, what is clear and what we can all agree on is that any deliberate attack on innocent civilians [or non-combatants], regardless of one’s cause, is unacceptable and fits into the definition of terrorism.”
So does Titu Mir fall in to this category? I’ll leave it up to the readers’ discretion.

Conclusion

Some of the adjectives about Titumir were indeed true. It goes without saying that he was indeed brave to have fought against the advanced British weaponry with mere bamboo sticks from a bamboo castle. His organization skills were no doubt very good. He must have been a good preacher as well to have made an estimated 15000 followers so quickly. But the question remains about his character. The objection is about him being called a peasant leader and a freedom fighter. He was not fighting for India’s freedom or the freedom of Hindus as we can conclude from the writings of Islamic scholars and historians, rather he was fighting to claim back the land for the Muslim rulers. At some point Titu is also noted as claiming that Muslims are the rightful rulers of India/Bengal. He was definitely referring to the Islamic invaders that invaded and occupied Indian territory since Mahmud of Ghazni to Aurangzeb, Bahadur Shah, Siraj-Ud-Daulah etc. None of them were rulers of free India. In fact they were the reason India was not free! The British weren’t the first to invade this land and the most Muslims rulers were not indigenous to this land. Sure some of them were born in India, some of them were even born of Hindu mothers (through matrimonial alliance with Rajputs). But the fact remains, no Indian son of the soil, who converted to Islam ever became a King or Nawab or Sultan or Badshah. Titu Mir doesn’t fall under that category either, if you recall, earlier we discussed the lineage of Titu Mir, which goes back to Saiyid Shahadat Ali, who came from Arabia, to preach Islam and further back to the Caliph Ali, the first Imam of Shia Islam. Titu Mir has been nativised by Left-historians and writers as a Bengali. But it’s not about our beliefs. It’s about what he believed. We’ve already discussed scholarly and Islamic views on his beliefs.

Maybe Titu was looking to become the ruler of Bengal after re-establishing Islamic law in Bengal. If he was truly fighting for the rights of the peasants as some historians put it, why did he force the peasants to pay taxes to him? He wasn’t trying to liberate the peasants, he was giving them a new master. Because if he did really care for the peasants why did he not stop them from sending ration/grains? Instead the peasants kept on giving rations while Titu’s insurgents threatened it out of the Zamindars. He terrorized the Zamindars by issuing Parwanas demanding that they supply ration for Titumir’s army. Some might say that this is old school pressure tactics used by dacoits as well, but it was terrorism nonetheless. The methods of terrorism have been used by variety of people before the term was used by media as a charged up term.

I am also not willing to accept the claim that Muslims were always victimized and suffered discrimination under the rule of the Zamindars. Everyone was victimized under the Zamindari regime supported by the Company. Let’s accept the truth as it is. Hindus faced religious discrimination under the Islamic rulers, not Hindus. By claiming that the Hindu Zamindars practiced religious discrimination on Muslims, Leftist-Islamist historians try to justify the religious discrimination present in the very fabric of Islam. The only reason Titu Mir attacked the zamindars is because he wanted to seize their property and become a zamindar.

Some people like Dr.Dasgupta see the Wahhabi Movement as the beginning of an anti-imperialist national struggle. But it is quite the opposite. After his Bamboo fort was complete (October, 1831) and his Mujahids’ military training was done, he declared himself Badshah (King) and declared ‘Jihad’ (holy war) against the Zamindars and the British.

He had formed a military order of sort with his self as the commander, Fakir Mishkeen Shah as the chief adviser. Maizuddin, and his nephew Ghulam Masum as his second in command. They were known as Mujahids and Sardars. Of course they all came from common weavers and peasants and not from royal families, which makes it easier for Left historians to glorify them but for Titu Mir’s rebels collected rent from.the peasants as has been mentioned before. It was not a rudimentary step In India’s freedom movement, it might be seen as a rebellion for independent statehood at most, as was the case with the Faraidi movement under Shariatullah and his son Dudhu Miyan.

They settled their headquarters in Narkelberia and built a bamboo stockade. It had several.quarters for storing food, necessities, arms and stones for attacking the enemy in case of an ambush.

Titu Mir had proclaimed the illegitimacy of the Company’s government and the Muslims were the rightful owners of the empire. The rebels had declared that henceforth they were to receive rent from the peasants and they proceeded from village to village enforcing their demand. The India Gazette reported that. Parwanas were issued to the principal zamindars of the district asking them to send grain for the army. Generally, the smaller zamindars had submitted and supplied the rebels with the necessaries of life, while the bigger zamindars sought safety for themselves and their families by leaving the place.

The Zamindars, without a shadow of a doubt were blood sucking vampires, just like the Company’s indigo plantation managers, but they weren’t communal by nature, rather Titu Mir’s ideology and his modus operandi was that of the modern day terrorist’s. His cause was nothing more than reestablishing Islamic dominance in India.

The Wahhabi movement was fully suppressed in India by the 1870s after it was successfully proven to be a fundamentalist movement and the British government introduced the “sedition law” in the IPC. The newly introduced term sedition meant speech that attempted to “excite disaffection towards the government established by law in India”. One might say that the Wahhabi movement was once the cause of the now infamous sedition law of India.

Sources/References

Books:

WW Hunter The Indian Musalmans, Calcutta, 1936

Azizur Rahman Mallick, British Policy and the Muslims of Bengal, 1757-1856, Dhaka, 1961

Muin-ud-Din Ahmad Khan, History of the Fara’idi Movement in Bengal, Karachi, 1965, Dhaka, 1984

Social History of the Muslims of Bangladesh under the British Rule, Dhaka, 1992

Algar, Hamid, Wahhabism: A Critical Essay Islamic Publications International

Natana J. Delong-Bas, Wahhabi Islam: From Revival and Reform to Global Jihad, Oxford University Press

Biswajit Bag, ‘Itihaas O Poribesh’ (History and Environment), WBBSE Text Book Class X, 2017.

The Destruction of Holy Sites in Mecca and Medina By Irfan Ahmed in Islamic Magazine, Issue 1, July 2006

Syed Nesar Ahmed, The Origins of Muslim Consciousness in India: A World System Perspective, Greenwood Press, Jan 1991.

Dictionaries & Encyclopedias:

The Oxford Encyclopedia of the Islamic World

Encyclopedia of Global Religion, SAGE Publications, 2011.

Sites:

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Titumir

http://www.thehindu.com/news/national/titu-mir-returns-to-roil-bengal-190-years-after-his-fall-in-war/article17665261.ece/amp/

http://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=Titu_Mir

http://www.newindianexpress.com/nation/2017/apr/24/bengal-textbooks-declare-19th-century-anti-british-muslim-fighter-titumir-brahmin-slayer-1597243.html

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ali

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Wahhabism

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Syed_Ahmad_Khan

http://www.globalsecurity.org/military/world/gulf/wahhabi.htm

http://storyofpakistan.com/titu-mir

https://www.importantindia.com/9669/wahhabi-movement-in-india-bengal/

Other Media Sources:

“Press conference with Kofi Annan & FM Kamal Kharrazi”. Un.org. 26 January 2002. Retrieved 2009-08-10

Bockstette, Carsten (2008), “Jihadist Terrorist Use of Strategic Communication Management Techniques” (PDF)

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